This provocative essay explores the perceived decline of European culture in the aftermath of World War II, arguing that it is caught in a double bind: ideological barbarism from the East (communism) and moral barbarism from the West (consumerism and cultural decay). The author, Jean Cau, laments the erosion of Europe's cultural identity, claiming that Marxist leftism is being repackaged in Western, especially American, forms—resulting in a hybrid youth culture that paradoxically embraces both revolutionary ideals and capitalist symbols. Through scathing critique, Cau warns of a cultural landscape increasingly dominated by ideology, where true artistic and intellectual freedom is stifled. Cau ultimately contends that what remains is not culture, but a battleground—one where survival depends on resisting the totalizing forces of modern mass society.
Originally published in Éléments no. 8-9, November 1974
Translated by Alexander Raynor
European culture, since the end of the Second World War, finds itself crushed between two grinding machines. On the one hand, an ideological mass barbarism coming from the East; on the other, a moral mass barbarism coming from the West. Between the two, Europe—once the cradle of culture and myth—experiences the fascination of its own decline in a dual enslavement. In this regard, our cultural environment is laden with signs that, though seemingly muddled, are no less revealing upon closer reading. In other words, Marxist cultural leftism is being sold to us American-style.
What could be more peculiar, indeed, than to witness this split personality among the political and intellectual youth of our Europe? On one side, Marx; on the other, Coca-Cola. On one side, Lenin and the revolution that will sweep away all imperialisms; on the other, American films, Anglo-Saxon theatre, pornography, drugs, free love, violence, fashion dictated by New York or California, pop music, psychedelic mysticisms, and even language invaded by Anglicisms.
We celebrate the revolution, but we wear blue jeans. We praise Chinese puritanism, yet flock to cinemas showing Last Tango in Paris. In truth, we are provinces of an empire whose twin capitals are Moscow and Washington.
In sum, European culture has become a slave.
What’s striking is that both barbarisms—those that strip us of our identity—have something in common: the cult, whether totalitarian or democratic, of the masses; the idolatry of numbers imposed by materialist political ideology, whose only concern is to sell, to a conditioned mass, the mad illusions of universal happiness.
And so we witness two parallel movements: the USSR giving birth to a consumerist, mercantile society at the same pace as American mass culturalism gives rise, for all its endless offshoots, to the Left and to leftism. The two monsters, gazing at each other over the body of Europe, are fascinated—because they know that between them exist troubling and secret similarities.
Should we still use the word culture? Let us look clearly and face the truth: ideology has devoured, perverted, or slowly penetrated every form of cultural life. Everything—books, newspapers, cinema, television, theatre, education, even painting—is now steered by a compass whose degrees may vary, but which is always, always pointed left.
Certainly, the teeming leftist movements (including those engulfing the Church) may deceive with their diversity and reassure through their chaotic agitation, but beneath this foam and froth, what do we find? We find, intact and increasingly solid, socialism, which—though sects may proliferate—remains, behind this smoke screen, the only Church whose towers rise and lengthen their shadows.
So, from this perspective, what becomes of culture? For now, in the West, communism is cunning: it surrenders culture to leftism. It doesn’t contest the field. It lets intellectuals, artists, and clergy reign there more or less unopposed. After all, since the West has not yet reached the final collapse of its political structures, why not allow leftism—and what are called countercultures or even anti-cultures—to gnaw away at and destroy the aesthetic and moral foundations?
The leftism of the sons—what better way to subjugate the fathers! To be sure, communist ideology and culturalism secretly loathe the leftist student (or artist or teacher or priest), but, also secretly, they are not displeased that these people devalue and destroy. The more disorder there is, the more fervently the call for order will be heard. So let the leftisms give the West a fever, since tomorrow, we will be the only doctors.
Let the leftisms ride Marcuse, Freud, abortion, sexual liberation, self-management, conceptual art, anti-psychiatry, Oedipus or Anti-Oedipus—let these wild-haired boys spur on every social, moral, or cultural utopia they please, since we, the communists, are sitting astride the right horse: broad-backed and strong-limbed. What will Mr. Krivine (in France) weigh tomorrow against Mr. Marchais? And Cardinal Marty, a flower of utopia between thumb and forefinger, against Mr. Brezhnev with his clenched fist?
The dominant ideology has developed, atop the ruins of republican liberalism and Christianity, an immense scholastic corpus of formidable rigor. Any culture not in its service is stifled, blocked, and terrorized. Contrary to what we may believe—or even feel—any person today who does not bow to Marxist socialism (whatever chapel of this Church the worship is held in) is as little free to express or affirm themselves as Galileo was in his time.
Yes, the new Inquisition is among us. Its priests are everywhere, and the terror they wield is no less than that of the hooded men of the Holy Office. True, their method does not resort to the stake. It doesn't need to. It has something better: conditioning.
So, is there still hope? Can a culture stand today against the universal scholasticism of the new Terror? And where is this culture? For my part, I see it—if it exists—beyond very grave struggles and terrible political and social confrontations. Otherwise, all debate is futile. Victorious socialism will call culture nothing more than its own propaganda and law.
Then, those among us who survive will be the vilified kamikazes of a lost war, and the hunted witnesses of a vanished world. Until such a History unfolds, there is no more culture. Whether we like it or not, there is only a fight.

Comprehensive Critique of the Text Through Multiple Methodologies
Philosophical Critique
The text adopts a reactionary, essentialist philosophy, echoing Oswald Spengler’s *Decline of the West* and Heidegger’s distrust of modernity. It posits a binary clash between Eastern "ideological barbarism" (Marxism) and Western "moral barbarism" (American consumerism), framing Europe as a passive victim. This dialectical structure oversimplifies complex cultural dynamics, ignoring hybridity and the agency of European societies. The critique of mass culture aligns with Adorno and Horkheimer’s *Dialectic of Enlightenment*, yet lacks their materialist analysis, instead romanticizing a mythic, static European past.
Logical Critique
The argument relies on **false dilemmas** (East vs. West, Marxism vs. Americanism) and **slippery slope fallacies** (leftism inevitably destroys culture). Claims like "everything is steered... always pointed left" are **hasty generalizations**, ignoring counterexamples (neoliberalism, conservative resurgence). The analogy of Marxism to the Inquisition commits **equivocation**, conflating ideological influence with violent coercion.
Cultural Theory Critique
The text exemplifies **cultural essentialism**, rejecting Stuart Hall’s concept of identity as fluid and hybrid. Its East-West dichotomy rehashes **Orientalist** tropes (Said), reducing Marxist states and American capitalism to monolithic "barbarisms." The dismissal of countercultures (punk, psychedelia) neglects their role as sites of resistance (Hebdige). The claim that Europe is "enslaved" ignores postcolonial critiques of Europe’s own imperial history.
Historical Critique
The Cold War framing erases nuance: the USSR’s consumerism was fraught with scarcity, while American "cultural imperialism" coexisted with European innovations (e.g., French New Wave, Italian neorealism). The text overlooks Europe’s active role in shaping global culture (e.g., the EU’s cultural policies) and the rise of neoliberalism as a dominant post-1980s force. The conflation of 1970s leftist movements with Stalinism is ahistorical.
Aesthetic Critique
The text dismisses avant-garde movements (conceptual art, pop music) as "barbaric," privileging traditionalist aesthetics. It ignores how these forms critique consumerism (Warhol) or explore subjectivity (psychedelia). The reduction of blue jeans or films like *Last Tango in Paris* to "enslavement" overlooks their subversive potential (e.g., jeans as working-class symbolism repurposed globally).
Sociological Critique
The author misreads youth engagement with Marxism and consumer culture as "split personality," neglecting **cultural hybridity** (GarcÃa Canclini). The portrayal of leftism as monolithic ignores internal diversity (e.g., anarchists vs. Marxists). The claim that socialism dominates cultural institutions disregards the neoliberal commodification of art and education (Harvey).
Postmodernist Critique
The text clings to a **metanarrative of decline**, rejecting Lyotard’s postmodern skepticism of grand narratives. Its nostalgia for cultural purity contrasts with Baudrillard’s *simulacra*, where authenticity is obsolete. The fear of "conditioning" mirrors Foucault’s *disciplinary power*, yet the author ironically replicates totalizing discourse.
Psychological Critique
The "split personality" charge pathologizes cognitive dissonance, a natural response to globalization. The apocalyptic tone reflects **existential anxiety** (Fromm) over lost identity. The us-vs-them rhetoric signals **defense mechanisms** (projection, scapegoating) to avoid confronting Europe’s complicity in its cultural shifts.
Literary Theory Critique
The text is a **polemic**, deploying metaphors (grinding machines, Inquisition) and apocalyptic imagery to evoke emotion over reason. Its intertextual references (Galileo, kamikazes) mythologize the author as a martyr. The structure mimics Marxist eschatology (revolution → utopia) but inverts it to prophesy cultural doom.
Semantic Critique
Loaded terms ("barbarism," "enslavement," "leftism") are semantically ambiguous, conflating distinct phenomena (e.g., Soviet socialism with Western counterculture). The equation of "Marxism" with "consumerism" stretches definitions, while "conditioning" is used pejoratively without engaging with behavioral theory (Skinner vs. Chomsky).
Synthesis of Critiques
The text’s core weakness lies in its **reductive binaries** and **nostalgic essentialism**, which ignore the fluidity and agency of cultural exchange. While it raises valid concerns about ideological hegemony (e.g., consumer capitalism’s global reach), its alarmist tone and lack of empirical grounding undermine its legitimacy. By framing culture as a zero-sum battle, it dismisses the possibility of synthesis or resistance within hybridity. Ultimately, the author’s own rhetoric replicates the authoritarianism they decry, advocating for a return to an idealized past that never existed.
A good history lesson from decades ago! Today, it’s queer totalitarian pop culture and monsters of the oligarchies dancing over ruins! I wonder about, me?