Alain de Benoist and Guidelines for Decisive Years

Review of Alain de Benoist's «Orientations pour des années décisives» (1982)

Alain de Benoist's 1982 book Orientations pour des années décisives (Guidelines for Decisive Years) presents a radical critique of both liberalism and communism from a distinctly European "third way" perspective. Written in the wake of François Mitterrand's election as French president, the book argues that liberalism and communism are two sides of the same egalitarian, universalist coin - both inheriting and secularizing Christian values that Benoist sees as foreign to authentic European civilization.

Alain de Benoist's central thesis is that liberal democracy, far from being communism's opposite, actually paves the way for it by promoting individualism, egalitarianism, and the primacy of economics over politics and culture. For Benoist, liberal societies dissolve organic communities and historical memory in favor of abstract individuals pursuing material self-interest. This creates the conditions for either communist revolution or, perhaps worse in his view, a soft despotism of consumerism and cultural homogenization.

Benoist builds his case through a sophisticated theoretical analysis drawing on diverse thinkers from Hegel to Gramsci. He argues that the liberal West's apparent victory over Soviet communism masks a deeper defeat - the triumph of what he calls "Western totalitarianism" based on economics, technology, and mass culture. This system, he contends, is actually more effective than Soviet communism at realizing Marx's vision of a borderless world of standardized individuals.

The book's most provocative argument is that classical anti-communism of the Right is insufficient and even counter-productive if it fails to challenge the liberal premises that generate communist movements in the first place. Benoist calls instead for a more radical opposition based on defending organic communities, hierarchical values, and cultural differentiation against both Soviet collectivism and Western individualism.

A key strength of the work is its prescient analysis of globalization's homogenizing effects and the way liberal economics tends to override political and cultural sovereignty. Benoist accurately predicted how free trade and multinational corporations would weaken nation-states and traditional identities. His critique of liberal democracy's tendency to reduce all questions to economics and administration also anticipates important contemporary debates.

However, Benoist's proposed solutions remain somewhat vague. While he calls for a European "third way" between American liberalism and Soviet communism, the practical outline of such an alternative system is never fully developed. His hope that the Soviet bloc might evolve in a more nationalist direction, while the West remains stuck in liberal decadence, seems misplaced in hindsight. However, in today’s multipolar world, though the Soviet bloc is dissolved, Russia has evolved in a more right-wing direction and remains staunchly opposed to the United States and its particular brand of liberalism.

The book's style is dense and theoretical, filled with references to Continental philosophy and political theory. While this gives the work intellectual heft, it can also make it challenging for general readers. Alain de Benoist often concentrates his energies on abstract philosophical concepts more than concrete political analysis.

Historically, the book is very much a product of its time, the 1980s  - the dawn of the neoliberal era and the last decade of the Cold War. Some of its concerns about American cultural and economic dominance proved prescient. Others, like its hopes for Soviet evolution or fears of social democratic governments, seem dated. The work's relevance today lies more in its critique of liberalism than its immediate political analysis.

Ultimately, Orientations pour des années décisives remains an important and challenging work of political theory, even for readers who reject its more radical conclusions. Its critique of economic globalization, cultural homogenization, and the limits of liberal democracy raises issues that are still highly relevant today. The book's central insight - that liberal individualism and communist collectivism share common philosophical roots - offers an interesting perspective on these seemingly juxtaposed political ideologies.

The book is best read as a provocative critique of liberal assumptions rather than a complete political philosophy. It challenges readers to question whether individual rights and free markets are sufficient foundations for human flourishing, while highlighting the importance of cultural identity and organic community. Even if one rejects Benoist's more extreme positions, his analysis of liberalism's contradictions and limitations remains worthy of engagement.

For contemporary readers, the work offers valuable insights into ongoing debates about globalization, democracy, and cultural identity. While its specific political predictions may have missed the mark, its broader critique of liberal modernity's homogenizing tendencies remains relevant in our era of accelerating technological and economic integration.